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if one could only have one book on Asian art, this is it
The best introduction to a complex and facinating subject
Exceptional value, brilliant insi

Fascinating
The Cedars
Creative

Authentic, exciting, and compellingCollison writes with authority about a subject he knows as well as anyone else in the world. The books are hard to put down, and I lost a LOT of sleep because I couldn't stop turning the pages. If you are interested in exotic locations in general or Indonesia in particular, you must read these books.
Bali through to Borneo
Jakarta and The Asian Trilogy

I AM AMAZED
VERY REALISTIC INTERPRETATION
the most reliable source about Egypt under Sadat

light reading but tells the truth
The real history of the Mid-East. So valid & appropriate.It is so refreshing to be provided with an in-depth analysis of the bitter hostilities and a factual account that will destroy and tread underfoot the propaganda, the myths, distortions, fabrications and outright lies that have served to deceive the public at large of what the situation in the Middle East is really all about.
The descriptive and relevant title which includes 'Fact & Fantasy' can never be more appropriate than when dealing with an issue such as this, where the erosion of truth has occurred at a monumental rate in recent years, especially since the onset of the two 'Palestinian intifadas'in 1987.
I possess the second edition of this book with a foreword in 1977 by then Menachem Begin, the Prime Minister of Israel. He summarises his opinions of this book by stating "...we shall continue to use truth as a main weapon. I hope that this book will play an even larger part in spreading the truth than it has done in the past."
The British Sunday Times newspaper is also quoted in the introduction from an issue in 1972, "...On some occasions, deliberate lies have been devised to bury a truth that powerful people wanted hidden...."
I cannot but only agree with Menachem Begin's every word 'spoken' by the Sunday Times. When matters such as these come to the surface, people with integrity will want to know why this deceit exists, the agendas of those who would perpetrate these policies and above all the real truth behind the lies. This book serves that purpose !
We see through Katz's writings the hypocritical, biased policies of my own British Government in the region, fuelled by self interest and their own agenda in the region.
Palestinian terrorism, refugees and a detailed history through the decisive events of 1948, 1967 and 1973 are all covered in this excellent book which has thankfully now been re-released. Samuel Katz does not rest there, but also delves into the history of the region and the Jewish presence in Palestine.
I cannot recommend this book highly enough.
Suffice to say, please get yourself a copy. (If you are a politician, get two and give one to a colleague!)
Kindest regards & thanks for listening.
Old, but accurateLike the work of Arieh Avneri, Howard Sachar, Connor Cruise O'Brien, Efraim Karsh and Martin Kramer, Battleground is a magnificent piece of reporting on the history of the Middle East conflict. But in the 29 years since it was originally published, that past has grown ever more faded in public and journalistic memory.
In general, newspapers and textbooks now completely avoid the history, without explanation blaming Israel for the plight of Arab refugees that Arab nations have exploited in a 54-year war against the Jewish state. Katz clearly here delineates the role of refugees in that war. Katz also reports this important background: In 1922 the League of Nations adopted by international vote a plan to establish a Jewish National Home in Palestine, which then included all of current day Israel and Transjordan.
This book details that history. Katz shows that, within years after the Paris Peace meeting and League of Nations accorded all of Palestine to the Jewish people, Britain unilaterally and illegally granted more than 80% of original Palestine to the Arabs, creating current day Jordan.
Katz elucidates many critical parts of the historical puzzle. But the centerpiece is that in 1919, less than two years after the Balfour Declaration, Emir Faisal of Syria and Iraq--then the only recognized Arab leader in the world--declared the plan for a Jewish national homeland in all of Palestine as "moderate and proper." He even signed a treaty with Jewish leaders to accept and endorse the plan.
In short, Katz shows here that the 1922 League of Nations vote to adopt the plan did not (as conventional wisdom now wrongly supposes) unilaterally impose a decision on the Arab peoples of the Middle East without their input. In fact, the League of Nations acted directly in response to the 1919 Arab treaty with Jewish leaders.
King Faisal's approval of plans for a National Home for the Jews was no less significant because it, like the League Mandate, encompassed all of current day Israel and Jordan. In 1919, King Faisal saw the importance of recognizing the rights of the Jewish people to their homeland.
The book also shows that the Jewish people did not--as common misconception holds--steal land in Israel. On the contrary, beginning in the 1870s and 1880s, the Jewish Agency and many private groups and people purchased land (usually swamps and desert) from private absentee Arab landowners, often at wildly inflated prices. Katz documents this plainly.
Katz also establishes the number of Arab refugees in 1948 at 480,000, after seven Arab nations attacked the nascent Jewish state with the avowed intention to destroy it. Arab leaders at the United Nations admitted the relatively low number of Arab refugees from that war at the time. But gradually, over the years, he demonstrates that the number has been inflated--a point that, he reports, even the United Nations admits.
Katz also rightly recognizes the 850,000 Jewish refugees from 22 Arab and Muslim lands between 1940 and 1978, expelled with nothing but the shirts on their backs. (See also Malka Hillel Shulewitz and Itamar Levin and Rachel Neiman in The Forgotten Millions and Locked Doors.) Comparable inflation would raise the number of Jewish refugees from Arab lands to more than 3 million.
Finally, Katz explains the central problem plaguing Israeli-Arab relations since long before Israel was founded in 1948. As he notes, most Arab nations--from which he shows most "Palestinians" immigrated--have never recognized even the considerably reduced version of the Jewish state that became Israel in 1948. They would prefer a permanent state of war than to admit the Jewish people's right to self-determination, or to a state governing places in which tens of thousands of Jews have resided from a time since the Romans sacked the second Temple in 70 A.D.
Read this book to learn the region's real history. Alyssa A. Lappen


Excellent Book!
The Heart Rending Story of the Life of a Former Student
A Great Book

A Strong Critique of Chinese Character-based WritingAnyone familiar with John DeFrancis' work on the Chinese language will recognize some of Hannas' arguments (DeFrancis writes the forward for this book and was clearly an inspiration for Hannas' work). But Hannas is more wide-ranging in his scholarship and goes further with his arguments.
The first part of the book introduces the four major languages that have used Chinese characters for their writing systems, introducing them in order of the frequency they presently use the characters. Thus, Chinese -- which is comprised entirely of characters -- is introduced first and Vietnamese -- which no longer uses any characters -- is introduced last. This part describes the history of each languages' writing system and is highly readable.
After the languages have been introduced, the second part of the book critiques the Chinese character-based writing system. This part varies between highly readable sections and some more abstruse sections that deal with linguistic, analytical, and even psychological arguments that require close readings by the layman who doesn't have an expertise or at least a strong interest in those areas. But these arguments are the meat of Hannas' book as he looks at what Chinese characters represent, reading and literacy in Chinese character-based scripts, and even whether those writing systems are really appropriate for East Asian languages as some people have argued.
The third and final part winds down with a look at why reform of the Chinese character-based writing system fails (as Hannas argues it does) as well as what the future is likely to hold for it. One chapter alone is dedicated to the effect computers are having on characters. I found this part the least plausible of the three and also somewhat repetitive as arguments made earlier were restated.
While I agree with most of Hannas' general arguments and found his book both highly interesting and entertaining, I also think he greatly overstates his case. Hannas seems to actually believe that characters are on their way out. The growth in education and wealth, as well as the general social vibrance found in so many of the societies which still use Chinese characters suggests, at the very least, that perhaps inefficiency in a writing system is simply not an important aspect to a well-functioning, modern society -- that whatever impact it has is more negligible than Hannas imagines.
But disagreements over some of its points shouldn't be a reason not to read this outstanding book. Hannas' scholarship, lucid writing, and forceful exposition will give anyone who has experience with any of the East Asian languages that use Chinese characters a wonderful read.
Very Interesting
This bold polemic makes an exhilarating read

quick, but enriching read
A tender novel with a strong message of love
Compassioned Magic and Copts of Upper Egypt

To the point
A Concise and Detailed AccountIt almost seems repetitive to give a summary of this book, because Quandt is extremely concise. He begins with a political account of the Algerian struggle for independence. He observes,
...the revolution that was launched November 1, 1954 was not only against the French, but also against the existing political institutions that Algerians had forged over the previous generation. In its origins, the Algerian revolution was antipolitics and antiparty. (18)
This observation is important because it helps the reader understand the importance of nationalism in the revolution. The Algerians did not fight with a detailed governance plan in their back pocket. Rather, they fought for a chance to establish themselves as independent people.
After discussing the Revolution and its rhetorical emphasis on unity, Quandt moves into the Boumedience Era. He notes that Algeria's first president, Ben Bella, lacked an institutional base of support and spent much of his time in office manipulating factions against each other. Ben Bella quietly faded into the background and Boumediene arose as the stable and rather "faceless" leader. He downgraded the FLN (the party credited with winning independence) in importance and suppressed any emerging opposition to his regime. Indeed, after 1968, there was very little internal opposition. During the 1970s, his regime had an Islamic cultural orientation but functioned in a secular socialist manner. There was definitely not much emphasis on a transition to democracy, but "Boumedience, at least, had brought stability to a country that had known far too much political violence" (29).
In the next chapter, Quandt explains that there was inevitable pressure to change, and Boumediene, as an authoritarian ruler, was unable to enact it. Chadli Benjedid became president in 1979, and long-suppressed demands for change came with the Berber spring of 1980. This initial movement for the rights of Berber-speaking people gave rise to other political movements, the most significant being the Algerian Islamic Movement. Beginning in 1982, the Islamic Movement took up arms and gained momentum, though for the most part the stability of the existing order kept protestors at bay. This all changed in 1988, when "the bottom fell out of the oil market." The rentier state was in trouble.
Quandt writes, "the mass protests of October 1988 proved to be one of those turning points that define a country's political trajectory for years to come. It was a nationwide youth revolt, but Islamic activists soon took charge. The military was called in and violence ensued. Hundreds of young Algerians were killed in the first use of the Algerian military against its own people.
As disturbing as this scene was, Quandt notes that it could have been a dramatic turn toward political expression and eventually democracy. Indeed, in 1989 reform-minded allies of Chadli drafted a new constitution. At least on paper, it created three distinct branches of government and guaranteed individual liberties--including what was to soon become a very significant free press. The army was supposed to now be above politics, and a significant new political party, the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) challenged the government on a plethora of issues. Many young unemployed and disillusioned men joined this group. Through political mediums such as strikes and the 1991 elections (in which the FIS received about twice the number of votes as the FLN in the first round), the FIS established itself as the new power in Algeria. In June of 1991, however, the army stepped in yet again (it had stepped in during the strike and arrested FIS leaders) and showed itself to be right in the middle of politics-certainly not above it.
In 1991 the army cancelled the constitutionally mandated second round of elections and forcefully removed both Chadli and the FIS from power. Quandt explains the army's motives well:
Many in the military had fought for Algeria's independence and genuinely felt that they had a legitimate role to play in the political life of the country. The FIS was a threat to all that they had fought for and, like the Turkish military, they would not stand by and watch the principles of the state be trampled. (60-61).
Thus, the military took over the state and political violence and terrorism was the norm for most of the nineties. Within months, the FIS was declared illegal. The leader appointed by the military, Boudiaf, was assassinated, and thousands of ordinary Algerians lost their lives in the chaos. Quandt writes, "The inability-or unwillingess-of the state to provide basic security was shocking" (75). Many Algerians emigrated to other nations.
Thus, the political history of Algeria is a complex and sometimes sad one. Quandt's book covers it so well because he understands that there is hope for the country. It has experimented with liberalization and might just be able to make it work. After all, nobody really expected Algeria to rebel against France in the first place, much less win a war of independence. Quandt's book is good because it presents this history in a very detailed fashion (Part I), and then it presents various perspectives to clarify the events and give insight to the future (Part II). An alternate format, like an interwoven mixture of history and analysis, might be very confusing to the average reader.
Fantastic; highly recommeneded

Nice complement to Park Service literatureThe author briefly describes the historical significance of many of the landmarks along the Trace. Of great interest to bicylists is the lay of the land (hills) which is well described. Most importantly, one can find the location of food and water and lodging just off of the Trace, that is, not managed by the Park service. The Trace itself has insufficient restroom and water stops for the bicyclist. A minor point is that the author does not indicate the hours of operation of the markets that he notes. The author notes the great amount of wildlife on the Trace; but keep a sharp eye for the snakes sunning themselves on the Trace in warm weather.
Most all of the practical advice in the book is related either to logistics or to various routes. Where and how to ship one's bike is useful. About 40 percent of the book is taken up with auxiliary routes that either start or cross the Trace and are not a part of traveling the Trace from end to end. Multi-day tours through Vicksburg and around the Tennessee River are two of those. Most of these may appeal to local residents.
Throughout the book the author mentions various rules and regulations of the Trace. Although there is a brief section, it would have been useful to see a section with a complete listing: for example, rules for speed limits, parking, picnicing, camping, hiking, etc.
What one will not find in this book is much in the way of practical and general information about bicycling or touring on a bike - what gearing to use, how to pack gear on a bike, how to ride with a fully loaded bike, what is the best way to deal with bicycle problems while on the Trace, etc. One point of interest is that the author provides an 1-800 number that can be called in the case of problems; interestingly the park service does a poor job of signage concerning this number.
The bottom line is that the book would help anyone comtemplating a tour of the Trace to get a better feel for what he or she can expect on the Trace.
top of the linejohn
Ride 2000